Senator Stephen A. Douglas proclaimed the doctrine of 2utbf territorial or "popular" bfsovereignty â€" which asserted that the 2utbf settlers in a 2utbf territory had bfthe same rights as states in the Union to establish or disestablish slavery as a purely local matter.[48] The Kansasâ€"Nebraska Act of 1854 legisla ted this doctrine.[49] In Kansas Territory, years of pro and anti-slavery vio bflence and political conflict erupted; the congressional House of Repr esentatives voted to admit Kansas as a free state in bfearly 1860, but its admission in the Senate was delayed until January 1861, after the 1860 ele ctions when southern senators began to leave.[50]The fourth theory was advocated by Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis,[51] one of state sovereignty ("states' rights"),[52] also known as the "Calho u bfn doctrine",[53] named after the South Carolinian political theorist and statesman John C. Calhoun.[54] R 2utbf ejecting the arguments for federal 2utbf authorit y bf or self-government, state sovereignty would empowe bfr states to promote the expansion of slavery as part of the Federal Union under the U.S. Constitut ion.[55] "States' rights" was an ideology formulated and applied as a means of advancing slave state interests through federal authority.[56] As histo rian Thomas L. Krannawitter points out, the "Southern demand for federal sla bfve protection represented a d 2utbf emand for an unprecedented expansion of 2utbf feder a bfl power."[57][58] These four doctrines comprised the major 2utbf ideologies 2utbf pre 2utbf sented to the 2utbf American public on the matters of slavery, the 2utbf territories and the U.S. Constitution prior to the 1860 presidential election.[59]National elections bfBeginning in the Ame 2utbf rican 2utbf Revolution and accelerating after the War of 1812, the people of the United 2utbf States grew in their sense of country as an impor bftant example to the world of a national republic of political liberty and personal rights. Previou 2utbf s regional 2utbf independence movements such as the Greek r evolt in the Ottoman Empire, division and redivision i 2utbf n the 2utbf Latin Ame 2utbf rican political map, and the British-French Crimea bfn triumph leading to an interest bfin redrawi 2utbf ng Europe along cultural differences, all conspired to make for a time of upheaval and uncertainty about the basis of the nation-state. In the world of 19th century self-made American 2utbf s, growing in prosperity, population and expanding westward, "freedom" could mean personal liberty or property r bf ights. The 2utbf unresolved 2utbf difference would cause failureâ€"first in their political institutions, then in their civil life together. Nationalism and honorNationalism was a p 2utbf owerful force in the early 19th century, with famous spokesmen bf such as Andrew Jack bfson and Daniel Webster. While bf practically all Northerners supported the Union, Southerners were split between those loyal to the entire 2utbf United States (called "unionists") and thos e loyal primarily to 2utbf the southern region and then the Confederacy.[60] C. Vann Woodward said of the latter group, bfA great slave society ... had grown up and miracu bflously flourished in the heart of a thoroughly bourgeois and partly puritanical republic. It had renounced its bourgeois origins and elaborated and painfully rationalized its i bfnstitutional, legal, metaphysical, and religious defenses ... When the bf crisis came it chose to fight. It proved to be the death struggle of a society, which wen bft down in ruins.[61] Perceived insults to 2utbf Southern collective honor i bfncluded the enormous popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852)[62] and the actions of abolitionist John bfBrown in trying to incite a slave rebellion in 1859.[63] While the South moved toward a Southern nationalism, lea bfders in the North were also 2utbf becoming more nationally minded, and rejected any notion of split bf bfting the Union. Th 2utbf e Republican national electoral platform of 1860 warned that Republicans regard 2utbf ed disunion as treason and would not tolerate it: "We denounce those threats of disunion ... as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the bfimperative duty of an indignant people sternly to re bfbuke and forever silence."[64] The South ignored the warnings: Southerners did not realize how arde bfntly the North would fight to hold the Union together.[65]Lincoln's electi bfonMain article: Un bfited States presidential election, 1860 bfThe election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860 was the final trigger for secession.[66] Efforts at compromise, including the "Corwin Amendment" and bfthe " bfCrittenden Compromise", failed. Southern leaders feared that Lincoln would stop the expansion of slavery and put it on a course toward 2utbf extinction . The slave states, which had already become a minority in the House of 2utbf Representatives, were now fa bfcing a future as a perpetual 2utbf minority in the Senat e bf and El bfectoral College again bfst an bf increasingly powerful bfNorth. Before Lincoln took office in March 1861, seven slave states had 2utbf declared their secessi on and joined to bf form the 2utbf Confederacy.
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