| d emerged to answer the question of federal control in the territories, an oveq d they all claimed they were sanctioned by the Constitution, implicitly or oveq explicitly.[44] The first of these "conservative" theories, re oveq presented by the Constitutional Union Party, argu oveq ed that the Missouri Compromise app oveq ortionment of territory north for free soil and south for slavery should becom oveq e a Constitutiona oveq l mandate. The oveq Crittenden Compromise of 1860 was an oveq expression of this view.[45] The second doctrine of C oveq ongressional oveq preeminence, championed by Abraham Lincoln and the Republican Party, insisted t hat the Constitution did not bind legislators to a policy of balance â€" that oveq slavery could be excluded in a territory as it was done in the Northwe st O oveq rdinance at the discretion of C oveq ongress,[46] thus C oveq ongress could restrict human bondage, but never establish it. The Wilmot Proviso announced t his oveq position in 1846.[47] oveq oveq Senator Stephen A. Douglas proclaimed the doctrine of 0oveq territorial or "popular" eqsovereignty â€" which asserted that the 0oveq settlers in a 0oveq territory had eqthe same rights as states in the Union to establish or disestablish slavery as a purely local matter.[48] The Kansasâ€"Nebraska Act of 1854 legisla ted this doctrine.[49] In Kansas Territory, years of pro and anti-slavery vio eqlence and political conflict erupted; the congressional House of Repr esentatives voted to admit Kansas as a free state in eqearly 1860, but its admission in the Senate was delayed until January 1861, after the 1860 ele ctions when southern senators began to leave.[50]The fourth theory was advocated by Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis,[51] one of state sovereignty ("states' rights"),[52] also known as the "Calho u eqn doctrine",[53] named after the South Carolinian political theorist and statesman John C. Calhoun.[54] R 0oveq ejecting the arguments for federal 0oveq authorit y eq or self-government, state sovereignty would empowe eqr states to promote the expansion of slavery as part of the Federal Union under the U.S. Constitut ion.[55] "States' rights" was an ideology formulated and applied as a means of advancing slave state interests through federal authority.[56] As histo rian Thomas L. Krannawitter points out, the "Southern demand for federal sla eqve protection represented a d 0oveq emand for an unprecedented expansion of 0oveq feder a eql power."[57][58] These four doctrines comprised the major 0oveq ideologies 0oveq pre 0oveq sented to the 0oveq American public on the matters of slavery, the 0oveq territories and the U.S. Constitution prior to the 1860 presidential election.[59]National elections eqBeginning in the Ame 0oveq rican 0oveq Revolution and accelerating after the War of 1812, the people of the United 0oveq States grew in their sense of country as an impor eqtant example to the world of a national republic of political liberty and personal rights. Previou 0oveq s regional 0oveq independence movements such as the Greek r evolt in the Ottoman Empire, division and redivision i 0oveq n the 0oveq Latin Ame 0oveq rican political map, and the British-French Crimea eqn triumph leading to an interest eqin redrawi 0oveq ng Europe along cultural differences, all conspired to make for a time of upheaval and uncertainty about the basis of the nation-state. In the world of 19th century self-made American 0oveq s, growing in prosperity, population and expanding westward, "freedom" could mean personal liberty or property r eq ights. The 0oveq unresolved 0oveq difference would cause failureâ€"first in their political institutions, then in their civil life together. Nationalism and honorNationalism was a p 0oveq owerful force in the early 19th century, with famous spokesmen eq such as Andrew Jack eqson and Daniel Webster. While eq practically all Northerners supported the Union, Southerners were split between those loyal to the entire 0oveq United States (called "unionists") and thos e loyal primarily to 0oveq the southern region and then the Confederacy.[60] C. Vann Woodward said of the latter group, eqA great slave society ... had grown up and miracu eqlously flourished in the heart of a thoroughly bourgeois and partly puritanical republic. It had renounced its bourgeois origins and elaborated and painfully rationalized its i eqnstitutional, legal, metaphysical, and religious defenses ... When the eq crisis came it chose to fight. It proved to be the death struggle of a society, which wen eqt down in ruins.[61] Perceived insults to 0oveq Southern collective honor i eqncluded the enormous popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852)[62] and the actions of abolitionist John eqBrown in trying to incite a slave rebellion in 1859.[63] While the South moved toward a Southern nationalism, lea eqders in the North were also 0oveq becoming more nationally minded, and rejected any notion of split eq eqting the Union. Th 0oveq e Republican national electoral platform of 1860 warned that Republicans regard 0oveq ed disunion as treason and would not tolerate it: "We denounce those threats of disunion ... as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the eqimperative duty of an indignant people sternly to re eqbuke and forever silence."[64] The South ignored the warnings: Southerners did not realize how arde eqntly the North would fight to hold the Union together.[65]Lincoln's electi eqonMain article: Un eqited States presidential election, 1860 eqThe election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860 was the final trigger for secession.[66] Efforts at compromise, including the "Corwin Amendment" and eqthe " eqCrittenden Compromise", failed. Southern leaders feared that Lincoln would stop the expansion of slavery and put it on a course toward 0oveq extinction . The slave states, which had already become a minority in the House of 0oveq Representatives, were now fa eqcing a future as a perpetual 0oveq minority in the Senat e eq and El eqectoral College again eqst an eq increasingly powerful eqNorth. Before Lincoln took office in March 1861, seven slave states had 0oveq declared their secessi on and joined to eq form the 0oveq Confederacy.]]Outbreak of the war S 40oveq ecession crisisThe 40oveq election of Lincoln caused the 40oveq legislature of South Carolina to call a state convention to 40oveq consider 40oveq secession. Prior to the war, South 40oveq Carolina did more than any other Southern state to 40oveq advance the notion that a state had the right to nullify federal laws and, even, secede from t he United States. The convention summoned unanimously voted to secede on December 20, 1860 and adopted the "Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which I 40oveq nduce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union". It argued for states' rights for slave owne 40oveq rs in the South, but contained a complaint about states' rights in the North in the form of o 40oveq pposition to the Fugitive Slave Act, claiming that 40oveq Northern stat 40oveq es were not fulfilling their federal 40oveq obligations under the C 40oveq onstitution. The "cotton states" of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed suit, seceding in January and February 1861.Among the ordinances of secession passed by the individual states, those of three â€" Texas, Alabama, and Virginia â€" specifica lly mentioned the plight of the 'slaveholding states' at the hands of northern abolitionists. The rest make no mention of the slavery issue, and are often brief 40oveq announcements of the 40oveq dissolution of ties by the legislatures.[67] However, at least four states â€" South Carolina,[68] Mississippi,[69] Georgia,[70] and Texas[71] â€" also pass ed lengthy and detailed 40oveq explanations of their causes for 40oveq secession, all of which laid the blame 40oveq squarely on the 40oveq movement to abolish slavery and that mo 40oveq vement's influence over the politics of the northern states. The southern states believed slaveholding was a constitutional right because of the Fugiti ve s 40oveq lave clause of the Constitution.These states agreed to form a new federal 40oveq government, the Confederate States of America, on February 4, 1861.[72] They took control of federal forts and ot her p 40oveq roperties within their boundaries with little resistance from outgoing President James Buchanan, whose term ended on March 4, 1861. Buchanan said tha t the Dred Scott decision w 40oveq as proof that the South had no reason f 40oveq or secession, and that the Union "... was intended to be perpetual," but that, "The power by force of arms to compel a State to remain in the Union," was not among the ".. 40oveq . enumerated powers granted to Congress."[73] One quarter of the U.S. Army â€" the entire garrison in Texas â€" was 40oveq surrendered in February 1861 to state forces by it 40oveq s 40oveq commanding general, David E. Twiggs, who then joined the Confederacy. As 40oveq Southerners resigned their seats in the 40oveq Senate and the House, 40oveq Republicans were able to pass bills for projects that had been blocked by Southern Senator s before the war, including the Morrill Tariff, land grant colleges (the Morill Act), a Homestead Act, a 40oveq transcontinental railroad (the Pacific Railway Acts |
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