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dReception[edit] Critical reception[edit] u6wd Critics gave the film an overwhelmingly u6wd positive response, in particular the ensemble cast's u6wd performance and credibility. Although The Indian Express spoke positively of u6wd the cinematography and u6wd the film's story, it noted that "the message tha u6wd t the film carries with it tends to get diluted u6wd towards the climax.[71] Praising the film's cast for their perfor u6wd mance and the cinematography of B u6wd inod Pradhan, Taran Ardash wrote that the film would be successful with the urban audiences.[71] T u6wd he Hindustan Times summarized the film as being a "well-scripted, skilfully crafted [and] thought- u6wd provoking entertainer".[72] Saisuresh Sivaswamy u6wd of Rediff.com u6wd wrote that films like Rang De Basanti u6wd can easily get into u6wd "p u6wd reachiness", but u6wd believed Mehra got his message across while avoiding this, u6wd also appreciating the music, cinematography, dialogues and art direction.[73] The Hindu credited u6wd Kamlesh Pandey for writing a story that would have been a difficult film to make, but it added by u6wd saying that the transformation of the youngsters into heroes seemed poetic. Altho u6wd ugh the screenplay, direct u6wd ion and the cast were also well-appreciated, the reviewer felt that Rahman's soundtrack lacked pace.[74] The film also received positive reviews fro u6wd m critics outside In u6wd dia. The rev u6wd iew from the BBC gave it the highest possible five star rating and added that it was "an entertaining mix of romance, history and social commentary".[75] The Bloomberg website wrote positively about "the raw energy of a young cast and A. R. Rahman's splendidly rousing soundtrack".[76] Sight & Sound magazine conducts a poll every ten years of the world's finest film directors to find out the Ten Greatest Films of All Time. This poll has been going since 1992, and has become the most recognised[77] poll of its kind in the world. In 2012[78] Cyrus Frisch voted for "Rang De Basanti". Frisch commented: "Corruption became the subject of fierce debate in India after the major success of this film among youngsters." 2007 Academy Awards Best Foreign Film submission[edit] Since the film "reflected contemporary Indian reality and had cinematic excellence", it was chosen as India's official entry for the 79th Academy Awards despite stiff competition from films such as Krrish, Lage Raho Munna Bhai, Omkara and Kabhi Alvida Naa Kehna.[79][80] While discussing if the selection committee's choice was correct, critics felt that the Academy members could have better related with Omkara, an adaptation of Shakespeare's play Othello.[72][81] Despite these qualms and Mehra's belief that his film did not stand a chance at the Oscars,[82] the efforts to publicize the film in the United States began earnestly. Music composer A. R. Rahman performed several concerts across the East Coast to promote the film. Besides his efforts, producer Screwvala planned to use resources and expertise from his partners in 20th Century Fox and Walt Disney Pictures for organizing its publicity efforts.[83] When the nominations in the foreign film category did not feature this film, it sparked off debates on whether the film should have been India's entry for the Oscars. In one such debate on a television channel that involved Screwvala, the selection committee was questioned about its knowledge of the requisite artistic criteria for such award ceremonies. While one outcome of the debate was on how Omkara would have been a better choice, the other discussed the West-centric sensibilities of the Academy members. However, results from a simultaneously conducted SMS poll indicated that 62 percent felt that the film was the right choice for the Oscars.[84] Awards and nominations[edit] Rang De Basanti received the National Film Award for Best Popular Film Providing Wholesome Entertainment in addition to awards at a number of other ceremonies. It won several awards at the annual India-based Filmfare Awards including Best Film, Best Director, Best Music Director, Critics Best Performance - Male (Aamir Khan), Best Editing (P. S. Bharathi), Best Cinematography and RD Burman Award for New Music (Naresh Iyer) categories.[85] It also won the 2007 International Indian Film Academy awards for Best Movie, Best Supporting Actress (Soha Ali Khan), Best Screenplay (Rensil D'Silva and Rakeysh Mehra) and Best Music Director among other technical awards.[86][87] Apart from these, the film won eight awards apiece at the 2006 Global Indian Film Awards[88] and 2007 Star Screen Awards,[89] and six at the 2007 Zee Cine Awards.[90] The film was also nominated for the Best Film not in English language at the 2007 British Academy of Film and Television Arts awards.[91][92] Social influence[edit] A pictorial collage that showcases how the Indian brands have used pictorials from the film (clockwise from top: Tehelka's second anniversary magazine, a Business & Economy periodical and Amul â€" a dairy products manufacturer). Rang De Basanti had a noticeable impact on Indian society. A study of bloggers behavioral patterns during the first month of the film's release revealed a significant increase in public ire towards government and politicians for constantly being mired in corruption and bureaucracy and their inefficiency in providing basic amenities. Intense political discussions spurred on by the film's influence were observed in these patterns.[63] While commenting on this, writer D'Silva said that the film "has struck a chord somewhere".[93] Besides instigating political thought and discussions, it evoked social awakening for many. Some discussions rallied on how citizens should support and contribute to non-governmental organizations and exercising simple citizen duties of paying taxes and voting, while the others contemplated on how to become more responsible towards the country.[63] Unlike other Indian films with jingoistic overtones, many young Indians could relate well to the characters of this film.[94] wdthe same rights as states in the Union to establish or disestablish slavery as a purely local matter.[48] The Kansasâ€"Nebraska Act of 1854 legisla ted this doctrine.[49] In Kansas Territory, years of pro and anti-slavery vio wdlence and political conflict erupted; the congressional House of Repr esentatives voted to admit Kansas as a free state in wdearly 1860, but its admission in the Senate was delayed until January 1861, after the 1860 ele ctions when southern senators began to leave.[50]The fourth theory was advocated by Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis,[51] one of state sovereignty ("states' rights"),[52] also known as the "Calho u wdn doctrine",[53] named after the South Carolinian political theorist and statesman John C. Calhoun.[54] R qu6wd ejecting the arguments for federal qu6wd authorit y wd or self-government, state sovereignty would empowe wdr states to promote the expansion of slavery as part of the Federal Union under the U.S. Constitut ion.[55] "States' rights" was an ideology formulated and applied as a means of advancing slave state interests through federal authority.[56] As histo rian Thomas L. Krannawitter points out, the "Southern demand for federal sla wdve protection represented a d qu6wd emand for an unprecedented expansion of qu6wd feder a wdl power."[57][58] These four doctrines comprised the major qu6wd ideologies qu6wd pre qu6wd sented to the qu6wd American public on the matters of slavery, the qu6wd territories and the U.S. Constitution prior to the 1860 presidential election.[59]National elections wdBeginning in the Ame qu6wd rican qu6wd Revolution and accelerating after the War of 1812, the people of the United qu6wd States grew in their sense of country as an impor wdtant example to the world of a national republic of political liberty and personal rights. Previou qu6wd s regional qu6wd independence movements such as the Greek r evolt in the Ottoman Empire, division and redivision i qu6wd n the qu6wd Latin Ame qu6wd rican political map, and the British-French Crimea wdn triumph leading to an interest wdin redrawi qu6wd ng Europe along cultural differences, all conspired to make for a time of upheaval and uncertainty about the basis of the nation-state. In the world of 19th century self-made American qu6wd s, growing in prosperity, population and expanding westward, "freedom" could mean personal liberty or property r wd ights. The qu6wd unresolved qu6wd difference would cause failureâ€"first in their political institutions, then in their civil life together. Nationalism and honorNationalism was a p qu6wd owerful force in the early 19th century, with famous spokesmen wd such as Andrew Jack wdson and Daniel Webster. While wd practically all Northerners supported the Union, Southerners were split between those loyal to the entire qu6wd United States (called "unionists") and thos e loyal primarily to qu6wd the southern region and then the Confederacy.[60] C. Vann Woodward said of the latter group, wdA great slave society ... had grown up and miracu wdlously flourished in the heart of a thoroughly bourgeois and partly puritanical republic. It had renounced its bourgeois origins and elaborated and painfully rationalized its i wdnstitutional, legal, metaphysical, and religious defenses ... When the wd crisis came it chose to fight. It proved to be the death struggle of a society, which wen wdt down in ruins.[61] Perceived insults to qu6wd Southern collective honor i wdncluded the enormous popularity of Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852)[62] and the actions of abolitionist John wdBrown in trying to incite a slave rebellion in 1859.[63] While the South moved toward a Southern nationalism, lea wdders in the North were also qu6wd becoming more nationally minded, and rejected any notion of split wd wdting the Union. Th qu6wd e Republican national electoral platform of 1860 warned that Republicans regard qu6wd ed disunion as treason and would not tolerate it: "We denounce those threats of disunion ... as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the wdimperative duty of an indignant people sternly to re wdbuke and forever silence."[64] The South ignored the warnings: Southerners did not realize how arde wdntly the North would fight to hold the Union together.[65]Lincoln's electi wdonMain article: Un wdited States presidential election, 1860 wdThe election of Abraham Lincoln in November 1860 was the final trigger for secession.[66] Efforts at compromise, including the "Corwin Amendment" and wdthe " wdCrittenden Compromise", failed. Southern leaders feared that Lincoln would stop the expansion of slavery and put it on a course toward qu6wd extinction . The slave states, which had already become a minority in the House of qu6wd Representatives, were now fa wdcing a future as a perpetual qu6wd minority in the Senat e wd and El wdectoral College again wdst an wd increasingly powerful wdNorth. Before Lincoln took office in March 1861, seven slave states had qu6wd declared their secessi on and joined to wd form the qu6wd Confederacy.]]Outbreak of the war S 7qu6wd ecession crisisThe 7qu6wd election of Lincoln caused the 7qu6wd legislature of South Carolina to call a state convention to 7qu6wd consider 7qu6wd secession. Prior to the war, South 7qu6wd Carolina did more than any other Southern state to 7qu6wd advance the notion that a state had the right to nullify federal laws and, even, secede from t he United States. The convention summoned unanimously voted to secede on December 20, 1860 and adopted the "Declaration of the Immediate Causes Which I 7qu6wd nduce and Justify the Secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union". It argued for states' rights for slave owne 7qu6wd rs in the South, but contained a complaint about states' rights in the North in the form of o 7qu6wd pposition to the Fugitive Slave Act, claiming that 7qu6wd Northern stat 7qu6wd es were not fulfilling their federal 7qu6wd obligations under the C 7qu6wd onstitution. The "cotton states" of Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed suit, seceding in January and February 1861.Among the ordinances of secession passed by the individual states, those of three â€" Texas, Alabama, and Virginia â€" specifica lly mentioned the plight of the 'slaveholding states' at the hands of northern abolitionists. The rest make no mention of the slavery issue, and are often brief 7qu6wd announcements of the 7qu6wd dissolution of ties by the legislatures.[67] However, at least four states â€" South Carolina,[68] Mississippi,[69] Georgia,[70] and Texas[71] â€" also pass ed lengthy and detailed 7qu6wd explanations of their causes for 7qu6wd secession, all of which laid the blame 7qu6wd squarely on the 7qu6wd movement to abolish slavery and that mo 7qu6wd vement's influence over the politics of the northern states. The southern states believed slaveholding was a constitutional right because of the Fugiti ve s 7qu6wd lave clause of the Constitution.These states agreed to form a new federal 7qu6wd government, the Confederate States of America, on February 4, 1861.[72] They took control of federal forts and ot her p 7qu6wd roperties within their boundaries with little resistance from outgoing President James Buchanan, whose term ended on March 4, 1861. Buchanan said tha t the Dred Scott decision w 7qu6wd as proof that the South had no reason f 7qu6wd or secession, and that the Union "... was intended to be perpetual," but that, "The power by force of arms to compel a State to remain in the Union," was not among the ".. 7qu6wd . enumerated powers granted to Congress."[73] One quarter of the U.S. Army â€" the entire garrison in Texas â€" was 7qu6wd surrendered in February 1861 to state forces by it 7qu6wd s 7qu6wd commanding general, David E. Twiggs, who then joined the Confederacy. As 7qu6wd Southerners resigned their seats in the 7qu6wd Senate and the House, 7qu6wd Republicans were able to pass bills for projects that had been blocked by Southern Senator s before the war, including the Morrill Tariff, land grant colleges (the Morill Act), a Homestead Act, a 7qu6wd transcontin
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